“The Pitt” Captures ER Reality, but Omits the Burden of Paperwork

I have not seen “The Pitt,” but I enjoyed the intensity and the theme song of “ER.” I also am a fan of the creator of “ER,” Michael Crichton, who shortly before cancer stole his life, had the courage to stand up against dishonest environmentalism.

(p. A10) “The Pitt” is a rare type of hospital drama—one that gets it right, according to real-life medical workers.

. . .

From their perspective, “The Pitt” is the most authentic medical drama since “ER.”

. . .

In August [2024], the estate of “ER” creator Michael Crichton sued the studio, Warner Bros. Television, and several producers behind both shows. The lawsuit alleges they developed “The Pitt” as a sequel to “ER” and changed only a handful of plot details after negotiations with the estate faltered. Warner Bros. Television declined to comment.

. . .

Dr. Weston McCarron, a fan of the series, wants his wife to watch so she can “finally start to get a glimmer of a feeling for what I do at work.” He supervises overnight shifts at a St. Louis trauma center, where he treats everything from gunshot wounds to farm-equipment injuries in patients flown in from rural areas.

“You go from these outrageously stressful and heart-wrenching situations to the opposite, within minutes,” McCarron said. “The Pitt” nails the seething atmosphere of a crowded waiting room, and the moment a grieving mother’s wails ring through the ward, he said. But the doctor quibbled with some things, such as the show glossing over how much time doctors spend on computers filling out patient charts.

For the full review see:

John Jurgensen. “‘The Pitt’ Is a Hit With Medical Workers.” The Wall Street Journal (Wednesday, Feb. 19, 2025): A10.

(Note: ellipses, and bracketed year, added.)

(Note: the online version of the review has the date February 13, 2025, and has the title “Doctors Agree: Finally, a Medical Drama That Gets It Right.”)

Curing Cellular Senescence Could Extend Healthy Lifespan

Senolytics are chemicals that kill senescent cells, cells that do function properly but do not die. The cells are believed to cause aging and eventual death. They also are believed to cause illnesses such as coronary artery disease and Alzheimer’s. If senescent cells can be expelled, then we can hope to extend, not just lifespan, but what really matters–healthy lifespan.

(p. A10) The same underlying factors that contribute to aging also play a role in the development of diseases, says Richard Faragher, a professor of biogerontology at the University of Brighton and board member of the American Federation for Aging Research. He cites the example of a biological process called cellular senescence, which is when cells that stop dividing but don’t die build up as people age. The process is linked to various age-related diseases.

“Can we do anything to impact the fundamental biology of human aging? I think the answer is an emphatic yes,” says Faragher.

Longevity drugs, if proven to work, could slow or prevent the onset of age-related conditions rather than treating them after they develop, and eventually save millions on chronic disease spending in later life, advocates say. In 2021, the costliest 1% of traditional Medicare beneficiaries accounted for 19% of spending, according to the nonpartisan watchdog agency the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission. Beneficiaries in their last year of life tend to generate more spending than others.

For the full story see:

Alex Janin. “The Scientific Fight Over Whether Aging Is a Disease.” The Wall Street Journal (Wednesday, Feb. 5, 2025): A10.

(Note: the online version of the story has the date January 27, 2025, and has the same title as the print version.)

Warren Buffett Said Obamacare Is “Two Thousand Pages of Nonsense”

Our health system is a mess. The latest major effort to “fix” it was Obamacare (the so-called “Affordable Health Act”)–two thousand pages cobbled together by lobbyists, deep state staffers, and legislative log-rolling that resulted in high costs, opaque rules, perverse incentives, and unintended consequences.

(p. A15) Medicare doles out reimbursements for services that may or may not be real, helpful to the recipient, or reasonably priced. It’s very hard to know. Congress doesn’t want doctors and hospitals back home closely policed. Result: Medicare controls spending, perversely, with blanket low reimbursement rates for necessary and unnecessary services alike.

. . .

. . . government programs are born in chaos—with congressional horse trading and payoffs to appease interest groups. That’s why government programs make so little organizational sense. Remember when we had to pass Obamacare to find out what was in it? (“Two thousand pages of nonsense,” said Warren Buffett at the time. “The problem is incentives.”)

For the full commentary see:

Holman W. Jenkins, Jr. “Business World; Elon Musk’s Useful Experiment.” The Wall Street Journal (Wednesday, Feb. 12, 2025): A15.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the commentary has the date February 11, 2025, and has the title “Business World; DOGE Is Elon Musk’s Useful Experiment.” In both the online and print versions, the phrase “born in chaos” appears in italics for emphasis.)

“Stand for Health Freedom”

I believe that respecting each other’s freedom is what makes America exceptional. It is the right thing to do. But what a wonderful miracle, that on balance respecting freedom results in much else that is good, including better health and more happiness.

I believe that vaccines sometimes have bad side effects, but that on balance some vaccines are among the greatest contributions to human health.

But we should convince, not mandate. We should respect freedom because that is what is moral to do. And if we do, there will be more medical innovation; more and faster cures.

(p. A11) Ms. Wilson’s organization, Stand for Health Freedom, has become part of a grassroots push . . . .  . . .  To Ms. Wilson, those involved have coalesced around one idea: “There’s roles for government, and telling us how to care for our bodies is not one of them.”

. . .

Stand for Health Freedom is a young organization, but the wider movement “goes to the very roots of America,” said Lewis A. Grossman, a professor at American University’s law school who has studied the history of libertarianism.

“There’s always been a robust portion of Americans who embrace these values,” Mr. Grossman said. As early as 1902, organizations like the American Medical Liberty League were pushing for freedom from vaccine mandates. In the 1950s, the John Birch Society and National Health Federation took up the cause. In 1975, a group opposed to water fluoridation in Rockland County, N.Y., called itself the Citizens for Health Freedom.

But by and large, these groups and others like them existed outside the mainstream. Starting in the 1960s, however, American trust in institutions began to wane.

. . .

Then, Covid struck and cities were locked down. Public health officials also fumbled critical early messaging, painting the vaccines as a “miracle” that would provide permanent immunity, said Michael T. Osterholm, the director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota.

“We really lost credibility, because that’s not what happened,” Dr. Osterholm said.

Suddenly, medical freedom became a salient issue to many more Americans, and resistance to Covid restrictions became their unifying principle.  . . .

Much of that growth occurred online, as people lost faith in traditional medical institutions and searched for like-minded thinkers, Dr. Osterholm said. New supporters flocked to Ms. Wilson’s organization as it took on all sorts of causes.

. . .

As it grew, Ms Wilson’s organization gained support from a politically diverse group of advocates. Roughly 40 percent of the people who have taken action on the platform are Democrats, she claimed. Ms. Wilson saw this as evidence that “there are plenty of people who care about being the one who makes the ultimate health decisions for their children,” she said.

“This is common sense,” she added, “not strange or rare.”

For the full story see:

Kate Morgan. “Vaccine Protesters Find Winning Slogan: ‘Health Freedom’.” The New York Times (Wednesday, January 1, 2025): A11.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the story was updated Dec. 31, 2024, and has the title “How ‘Health Freedom’ Became a Winning Rallying Cry.”)

Obamacare (the So-Called “Affordable Care Act”) Has “A Complex, Often Byzantine, Eligibility and Enrollment System”

Obamacare, Medicare, and Medicaid are supposed to help the least-well-off. But the least-well-off are exactly those who are least able to navigate the red-tape of the bureaucracy. Signing up for Amazon Prime was far simpler than signing up for Medicare. (My source is personal experience.)

(p. A18) The Trump administration on Friday said that it would drastically cut annual spending on so-called navigator groups that help Americans enroll in Obamacare health insurance plans, from around $100 million to just $10 million.

. . .

The Trump administration on Friday [Feb. 14, 2025] noted that health insurance navigators enrolled only 92,000 people on the Affordable Care Act’s marketplaces last year, or less than 1 percent of plan participants, amounting to more than $1,000 per enrollment. During Mr. Trump’s first term, with funding levels similar to the one announced Friday, navigators enrolled people at “a far more efficient $211 per enrollment,” the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services said in its announcement.

. . .

“They are primarily there to help people navigate a complex, often byzantine, eligibility and enrollment system,” said Sabrina Corlette, a research professor at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

For the full story see:

Noah Weiland. “Administration Will Cut Funds For Navigators Of Obamacare.” The New York Times (Saturday, February 15, 2025): A18.

(Note: ellipses, and bracketed date, added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date Feb. 14, 2025, and has the title “Trump Shrinks Funds for Navigators Who Help Americans Enroll in Obamacare.”)

Medical Oversight Boards Jeopardize Patient Safety by Ignoring or Forgiving the “Egregious Misconduct” of Healthcare Providers

(p. C7) In her excellent book, “The Licensing Racket,” the Vanderbilt law professor Rebecca Haw Allensworth presents plenty of cases of hair braiders, barbers and interior decorators who have been prevented from working by license restrictions that inflate prices without improving safety or quality. But Ms. Allensworth has bigger targets in mind.

Most people will concede that licensing for hair braiders and interior decorators is excessive while licensing for doctors, nurses and lawyers is essential. Hair braiders pose little to no threat to public safety, but subpar doctors, nurses and lawyers can ruin lives. To Ms. Allensworth’s credit, she asks for evidence. Does occupational licensing protect consumers? The author focuses on the professional board, the forgotten institution of occupational licensing.

. . .

(p. C8) You might hope that boards that oversee nurses and doctors would prioritize patient safety, but Ms. Allensworth’s findings show otherwise. She documents a disturbing pattern of boards that have ignored or forgiven egregious misconduct, including nurses and physicians extorting sex for prescriptions, running pill mills, assaulting patients under anesthesia and operating while intoxicated.

In one horrifying case, a surgeon breaks the white-coat code and reports a fellow doctor for performing a surgery so catastrophically botched that he assumes the practitioner must be an imposter. Others also report “Dr. Death” to the board. But Ms. Allensworth notes, “at the time of the complaints to the medical board, [Dr. Death] was only one third of the way through the thirty-seven spinal surgeries he would perform, thirty-three of which left the patients maimed or dead.” The board system seems incapable of acting decisively and Dr. Death’s rampage is only ended definitively when he is indicted—the initial charges include “assault with a deadly weapon,” the scalpel—and eventually imprisoned.

No system is perfect, but Ms. Allensworth’s point is that the board system is not designed to protect patients or consumers. She has a lot of circumstantial evidence that signals the same conclusion. The National Practitioner Data Bank (NPDB), for example, collects data on physician misconduct and potential misconduct as evidenced by medical-malpractice lawsuits. But “when Congress tried to open the database to the public, the [American Medical Association] ‘crushed it like a bug.’”

One of the most infuriating aspects of the system is that the AMA and the boards limit the number of physicians with occupational licensing, artificially scarce residency slots and barriers preventing foreign physicians from practicing in the U.S. Yet when a physician is brought before a board for egregious misconduct, the AMA cites physician shortage as a reason for leniency. When it comes to disciplining bad actors, the mantra seems to be that “any physician is better than no physician,” but when it comes to allowing foreign-trained doctors to practice in the U.S., the claim suddenly becomes something like “patient safety requires American training.”

. . .

I agree that licensing boards have failed to effectively discipline their members, but I think we should eliminate restrictions on supply. The adage “any physician is better than no physician” should not be a shield for negligent doctors, but it underscores an essential truth. The real harm lies in the scarcity created by licensing.

. . .

Voluntary certification can effectively replace many occupational licenses. Consider computer security, one of the most critical fields for consumer safety. Instead of requiring occupational licenses, professionals in this field rely on certifications such as the CISSP (Certified Information Systems Security Professional) to demonstrate expertise and competence.

. . .

The medical profession is unlikely to be delicensed, but as Ms. Allensworth’s book shows, we shouldn’t let the AMA dictate the terms of medical education. Many European countries offer combined undergraduate and medical degree programs that take only six years, compared to the eight or more years required in the U.S.

Advances in artificial intelligence, which Ms. Allensworth doesn’t explore, may also catalyze reform. AI is already transforming fields such as legal research and medical diagnostics, automating tasks once reserved for licensed professionals. As these technologies advance, they can reduce reliance on rigid licensing systems by ensuring quality and safety through innovative tools.

For the full review see:

Alex Tabarrok. “Permission To Join The Field.” The Wall Street Journal (Saturday, Feb. 8, 2025): C7-C8.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the review has the date February 7, 2025, and has the title “‘The Licensing Racket’: There’s a Board for That.”)

The book under review is:

Allensworth, Rebecca Haw. The Licensing Racket: How We Decide Who Is Allowed to Work, and Why It Goes Wrong. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2025.

Feds Set Up Perverse Incentives in Healthcare; Health Insurance Companies Do Not Rise Above the Incentives

Vertical integration is admirable when it results in efficiencies of production that in the end benefit the consumer. But the federal government has set up an opaque healthcare system with unintended perverse incentives for health insurance firms to vertically integrate–where the firms own pharmacies, pharmacy benefit managers (P.B.M.s), hospitals, and doctors practices. Reimbursement rates for drugs are set by P.B.M.s. So the insurance company’s in-house P.B.M. reimburses its in-house pharmacy generously, but reimburses outside independent pharmacies stingily–often so stingily that the outside independent pharmacies go bankrupt, increasing the customer flow to the insurance company’s in-house pharmacy. Consumers do not benefit.

I mainly blame the government. But I do not praise the insurance firms. Libertarian philosopher Robert Nozick in Anarchy, State, and Utopia argued that profit maximization was ethical and served the common good, as long as it was done subject to ethical side-constraints. The three big health insurance firms, and especially United Health, have NOT set a conspicuous example of following Nozick’s advice.

What a pitiful, frustrating, inefficient, unfair mess.

(p. D3) The small-town drugstore closed for the last time on a clear and chilly afternoon in February. Jon Jacobs, who owned Yough Valley Pharmacy, hugged his employees goodbye. He cleared the shelves and packed pill bottles into plastic bins.

Mr. Jacobs, a 70-year-old pharmacist, had spent more than half his life building his drugstore into a bedrock of Confluence, Pa., a rural community of roughly 1,000 people. Now the town was losing its only health care provider.

Obscure but powerful health care middlemen — companies known as pharmacy benefit managers, or P.B.M.s — had destroyed his business.

This has been happening all over the country, a New York Times investigation found. P.B.M.s, which employers and government programs hire to oversee prescription drug benefits, have been systematically underpaying small pharmacies, helping to drive hundreds out of business.

The pattern is benefiting the largest P.B.M.s, whose parent companies run their own competing pharmacies. When local drugstores fold, the benefit managers often scoop up their customers, according to dozens of patients and pharmacists.

The benefit managers’ power comes from two main sources. First, the three biggest players — CVS Caremark, Express Scripts and Optum Rx — collectively process roughly 80 percent of prescriptions in the United States. Second, they determine how much drugstores are reimbursed for medications that they provide to patients.

Pharmacies buy those drugs from wholesalers, in the hope that P.B.M.s will reimburse them at a profit when the medications are provided to patients. But the largest benefit managers have strong incentives to set those rates as low as possible. A key reason: They make money in part by charging employers more for certain drugs than what the P.B.M.s pay pharmacies for them.

P.B.M.s frequently pay the pharmacies at rates that do not cover the costs of the drugs, according to more than 100 pharmacists around the country and dozens of examples of insurance paperwork and legal documents.

To take just one example: For a month’s supply of the blood thinner Eliquis, several pharmacists in different states said, the big three P.B.M.s routinely paid them as much as $100 less than what it cost the pharmacies to buy the medication from a wholesaler.

By contrast, the P.B.M.s sometimes pay their own pharmacies more than what they pay local drugstores for the same medications.

Independent pharmacies are powerless to fight back. As the unprofitable transactions pile up, some are unable to stay afloat.

. . .

(p. 26) The evidence that P.B.M.s pay their own pharmacies more than independent drugstores for the same medications is not just anecdotal. One study, paid for by a pharmacy association, found that the markup that P.B.M.s were charging on brand-name drugs was 35 times higher when the drugs were sold through their own mail-order pharmacies than when the drugs were sold by independent drugstores.

Government studies have identified a similar phenomenon.

Those extra costs are borne by taxpayers or employers and can be passed on to patients in the form of higher premiums — at odds with the benefit managers’ mandate of lowering drug costs.

. . .

(p. 27) In Mississippi, . . ., the state board that regulates pharmacies said this month that Optum Rx paid independent pharmacies less than it paid itself to dispense generic drugs. On a single day in 2022, Optum Rx paid itself 22 times what it paid six independent drugstores to fill generic Prilosec, a heartburn medication. Optum Rx declined to comment on the audit.

For the full story see:

Reed Abelson and Rebecca Robbins. “Powerful Firms Driving Out Local Pharmacies.” The New York Times, First Section (Sunday, October 20, 2024): 1 & 26-27.

(Note: ellipses, and bracketed date, added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date Oct. 19, 2024, and has the title “The Powerful Companies Driving Local Drugstores Out of Business.” Where the wording of the two versions differs (sometimes considerably), the quotes above follow the online version.)

The academic article co-authored by Evans is:

Wu, Lingfei, Dashun Wang, and James A. Evans. “Large Teams Develop and Small Teams Disrupt Science and Technology.” Nature 566, no. 7744 (Feb. 2019): 378-82.

Those Who Criticize the Powerful “Are Seldom Seen Distinctly by the Age in Which They Live”

Founding Father Benjamin Rush was apparently willing to take the ill-will that comes to those who challenge the lazy, incompetent, or corrupt.

The importance of being willing to be the target of ill-will was well-described by Charlie Munger.

(p. C7) During the spring of 1813, former presidents John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were united in grief at the death of a mutual friend who had recently persuaded them to forget their bitter rivalries. Like the two celebrated statesmen, the eminent physician and social reformer Benjamin Rush had been a Founding Father, one of 56 men who signed the Declaration of Independence in 1776.

. . .

. . ., after George Washington’s beaten army was pushed back across the Delaware River and Philadelphia’s militia marched to his assistance, Rush volunteered his medical skills. He helped tend the wounded from the Second Battle of Trenton, on Jan. 2, 1777, and the next day witnessed the bloody aftermath of Washington’s victory at Princeton.

Months later, Rush was appointed surgeon-general of the Continental Army’s so-called Middle Department—a key geographical sector that included Pennsylvania. He had ambitious plans for reform and outlined them in a pamphlet titled “Directions for Preserving the Health of Soldiers.” In a statement true for future American wars, he observed: “A greater proportion of men have perished with sickness in our armies than have fallen by the sword.” To curb that toll, Rush urged radical changes in food, clothing and hygiene. In his improving zeal, he unleashed a barrage of unrestrained letters to his friends in Congress that swiftly kindled a feud with his superior, Dr. William Shippen.

Rush accused Shippen of neglect, incompetence and corruption but underestimated his antagonist’s political clout.

. . .

(p. C8) . . ., Rush himself had always suspected that his outspoken views would affect his reputation, observing: “The most acceptable men in practical society, have been those who have never shocked their contemporaries, by opposing popular or common opinions.” He added, with considerable prescience: “Men of opposite characters, like objects placed too near the eye, are seldom seen distinctly by the age in which they live.” Through the efforts of Mr. Fried and Mr. Unger, what Benjamin Rush characterized as “the distant and more enlightened generations” are now better placed to judge him.

For the full review see:

Stephen Brumwell. “American Hippocrates.” The Wall Street Journal (Saturday, May 20, 2017 [sic]): C7-C8.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the review has the date Sept. 20, 2018 [sic], and has the title “‘Rush’ and ‘Dr. Benjamin Rush’ Review: American Hippocrates.”)

The books under review are:

Fried, Stephen. Rush: Revolution, Madness, and Benjamin Rush, the Visionary Doctor Who Became a Founding Father. New York: Crown, 2018.

Unger, Harlow Giles. Dr. Benjamin Rush: The Founding Father Who Healed a Wounded Nation. New York: Da Capo Press, 2018.

Otherwise “Savvy Consumers,” Mistakenly Trusting the F.D.A., Let Down Their Guard on Drug Quality

(p. 6) In the fall of 2012, a young consumer safety officer at the Food and Drug Administration volunteered for a job that few of his colleagues wanted: inspecting the Indian manufacturing plants that make many of America’s low-cost generic drugs.

In a world of drab auditors, Peter Baker stood apart.

. . .

America needs generic drugs. They make up 90 percent of the American drug supply. Without them, every large-scale government health program — the Affordable Care Act, Medicare Part D, the Veterans Health Administration, charitable programs for the developing world — would be unaffordable.

. . . what Mr. Baker uncovered in six years of doing foreign inspections exposed the dangerous compromises behind the production of generic drugs, and the F.D.A.’s limits as a global regulatory agency.

. . .

. . ., first in India and then in China, he uncovered fraud or deceptive practices in almost four-fifths of the drug plants he inspected. Some of the plants used hidden laboratories, secretly repeated tests and altered results to produce fake data that fundamentally misrepresented drug quality, then submitted that data to regulators.

. . .

The F.D.A. declares that “Americans can be confident in the quality of the products the F.D.A. approves.” Because of that reassurance, even savvy consumers — the sorts of people who are well versed in the quality distinctions between Velveeta and artisanal Cheddar — don’t think about how and where their drugs are made when they head to a pharmacy. Their only question usually is: Can they afford, or will their insurance cover, the drug being dispensed?

The F.D.A., which approved more than 1,000 new generic drug products last year, faces a vast challenge in safeguarding these medications. Nearly forty percent of all our generic drugs are made in India. Eighty percent of active ingredients for both our brand and generic drugs come from abroad, the majority from India and China. America makes almost none of its own antibiotics anymore.

. . .

In the United States, F.D.A. investigators typically show up unannounced to inspect plants. But overseas, the F.D.A. has opted to announce the vast majority of its foreign inspections in advance. Overseas plants even “invite” the F.D.A. to inspect; the investigators then become the company’s guests and agree on an inspection date in advance. Plant officials have served as hosts and helped to arrange local travel.

The F.D.A. has defended this system as the best way to ease the complex logistics of getting visas and ensuring access to the plants. But the resulting inspections are largely “staged,” say a number of F.D.A. staff members. With advance notice and low-cost labor, the plants can make anything look like anything. “You give them a weekend, they’ll put up a building,” as one F.D.A. investigator put it.

. . .

And there was an additional negative consequence to the F.D.A.’s system of advanced notice. With the companies serving as travel agents, F.D.A. investigators spoke of inappropriate perks: hotel upgrades, for which the investigators would never see a bill; golf outings, massages, and trips to the Taj Mahal. The result was what some F.D.A. employees referred to as “regulatory tourism.” The F.D.A. said in response that “any allegations of improper conduct by F.D.A. personnel are investigated.”

A new head of the F.D.A.’s India office, Altaf Lal, arrived in mid-2013. To tame the twin problems of company fraud and compromised investigators, Mr. Lal made a novel pitch to agency officials. He proposed a pilot program to make all inspections in India either on short notice or unannounced. By December 2013, he had a green light. The results were instantaneous.

In January 2014, the F.D.A. was planning an unannounced inspection at a plant in northern India on a Monday. Fearing that plant officials had heard they were coming, Mr. Baker and his colleague went a day early, unannounced. They proceeded to the quality control laboratory, expecting it to be quiet on Sunday morning. Instead, they were stunned to see a hive of activity. Dozens of workers hunched over documents, backdating them. On one desk, Mr. Baker found a notebook listing the documents the workers needed to fabricate in anticipation of the inspectors’ arrival. There were Post-it notes stuck to some surfaces, noting what data to change.

In large swaths of India’s generic drug industry, the pilot program uncovered a long-running machinery dedicated not to producing perfect drugs but to producing perfect data. At one plant, Mr. Baker went straight to the microbiology laboratory and found the paperwork for testing the sterility of the plant in perfect order: microbial limits testing, biological indicators, all the samples with perfect results. Yet most of the samples didn’t exist. The plant was testing almost nothing. The laboratory was a fake.

At the vast majority of the unannounced inspections, the investigators found things the plants no longer had time to fix: Infestations of birds and insects. A pile of critical manufacturing records, tossed in a trash bin. An employee bathroom near a sterile manufacturing area in one plant lacked drainage piping, so urine puddled directly onto the floor.

(p 7) Under the pilot program, the rate of inspections resulting in the F.D.A.’s most serious finding, “official action indicated,” increased by almost 60 percent, according to my own analysis of F.D.A. records. Before long, drugs from numerous plants in India had been banned from the United States market. Given these results, it seemed logical for the F.D.A. to make unannounced inspections or short notice the norm around the world. But in July 2015, F.D.A. officials decided to terminate the program and return to largely pre-announced inspections in India. When asked why, the agency declined to explain its reasoning and stated that “after evaluation of the pilot a decision was made to discontinue the pilot.”

For the full essay see:

Katherine Eban. “Can You Trust Generic Drugs?” The New York Times Sunday Opinion Section (Sunday, May 12, 2019 [sic]): 6-7.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the essay has the date May 11, 2019 [sic], and has the title “Americans Need Generic Drugs. But Can They Trust Them?” In the original of both print and online versions, the word “anything” is in italics both times it appears. In the quotes above where the online and print versions differ, the quotes follow the somewhat more detailed online version.)

The essay quoted above is adapted by Eban from her book:

Eban, Katherine. Bottle of Lies: The inside Story of the Generic Drug Boom. New York: Ecco, 2019.

F.D.R.’s Wage Controls Created a Wedge Between Patients and Doctors, With Awful Unintended Consequences

Under F.D.R.’s wage controls, firms competed for workers through perks, like healthcare benefits, since they could not legally compete by offering higher wages. That resulted in the first middlemen (in this case firms) between the customers (patients) and the suppliers (doctors). The result of adding the middlemen, and also adding a variety of regulations, is a “market” that is opaque, inefficient, and slow to innovate. Rather than drain the swamp, the response has been to add more middlemen (Medicare, Medicaid, Obamacare, and Pharmacy Benefit Managers, aka PBMs), that have only thickened the mire.

(p. B11) The roots of today’s fragmented system can be traced back to a quirk in U.S. history. Unlike most high-income countries, which created centralized government systems to ration care in the 20th century, the U.S. followed a different path shaped by historical circumstances. During World War II, wage controls prompted employers to offer health insurance as a tax-free benefit to attract workers.

Medicare and Medicaid, followed decades later by Affordable Care Act exchanges, were added over time to cover those who couldn’t get insurance through their job, creating a highly decentralized and convoluted system.  . . .

. . . the pressure to increase their earnings means insurers have looked for ways to overbill the government and skimp on patient care, always staying a step ahead of regulators. In recent years, they have become vertically integrated conglomerates, controlling doctors, pharmacies and payment-processing systems.

. . .

One of the most frustrating aspects of the system is a tactic called prior authorization, a process requiring providers to obtain insurer approval before delivering certain services. While that might be disagreeable, there is little public data on how often insurers deny care. This lack of transparency allows insurers to wield prior authorization aggressively, particularly when expensive treatments are recommended.

For the full commentary see:

David Wainer. “How to Fix Health Insurance.” The Wall Street Journal (Saturday, Dec. 21, 2024): B11.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the commentary has the date December 20, 2024, and has the title “How American Health Insurance Got So Infuriating.”)

Tainted Sulfa Drugs Led Feds to Mandate Drug Safety Tests

Note that the impetus for the creation of mandated drug licensing was an episode of tainted sulfa drugs. The motive of the mandate was to assure safety. The later impetus for the strengthening of mandated drug licensing was the thalidomide episode. Again the motive was to assure safety.

Economists annoyingly emphasize trade-offs. If we stuck to regulation for safety, we could vastly reduce the costs of drug development, allowing more and faster drug innovation.

A case can even be made for doing away with safety regulation. Firms have incentives to produce safe drugs, and private certifying organizations provide information, for instance Consumer Reports. And there are many examples of F.D.A.-approved drugs that turned out to be unsafe (e.g., Vioxx). Mandated safety regulations reduce consumer freedom to choose, and slow the amount and speed of new cures. Mandated efficacy regulations reduce them even more.

(p. C6) Between the late 1930s and the late 1940s, every major class of antibiotics was developed, as William Rosen meticulously recounts in “Miracle Cure: The Creation of Antibiotics and the Birth of Modern Medicine.” Rosen’s highly informed retelling captures the drama of scientists’ quest, against long odds, to find and produce bacteria-killing drugs—and the egos, ambitions, brilliance and resolve that drove them.

. . .

It is a strength of “Miracle Cure” that Rosen places its many tales of discovery in their larger contexts, explaining for instance the near-complete lack of drug-safety regulation that prevailed when the Tennessee-based S.E. Massengill Co. began selling Elixir Sulfanilamide in October 1937. To make the drug more palatable, the company’s chief chemist had dissolved it, along with raspberry flavoring, in a toxic chemical also used in brake fluid. At least 73 people died. The Federal Food Drug and Cosmetic Act became law the following year. Companies would no longer be able to market new drugs without government licensing. And the government would have to ensure that they were safe.

This book is not for the casual reader. At some points Rosen gets into weeds so thick that only aficionados will find a way through. Still, it’s an important contribution to a still-germane yet fast-receding history. And it’s all the more impressive that Rosen, formerly a book editor and publisher, wrote it as he was battling his own intractable disease. An aggressive cancer took his life in April 2016. He left behind a history worth reading.

For the full review see:

Meredith Wadman. “Medicine’s Age of Wonders.” The Wall Street Journal (Saturday, May 20, 2017 [sic]): C6.

(Note: ellipsis added.)

(Note: the online version of the review has the date May 19, 2017 [sic], and has the same title as the print version.)

The book under review is:

Rosen, William. Miracle Cure: The Creation of Antibiotics and the Birth of Modern Medicine. New York: Penguin Books, 2018.