Hayflick Said Lifespans Are Limited by Maximum Times Cells Can Divide (the “Hayflick Limit”)

Hayflick thought the “Hayflick limit” was a permanently binding constraint on the maximum lifespans that humans could achieve. But cancer cells provide a proof-of-concept that some cells are able to escape the limit. The challenge is to engineer cells that escape the limit without otherwise killing us. (Hayflick himself died of cancer.)

(p. A20) Leonard Hayflick, a biomedical researcher who discovered that normal cells can divide only a certain number of times — setting a limit on the human life span and frustrating would-be-immortalists everywhere — died on Aug. 1 [2024] at his home in Sea Ranch, Calif. He was 96.

His son, Joel Hayflick, said the cause was pancreatic cancer.

Like many great scientific findings, Dr. Hayflick’s came somewhat by accident. As a young scientist in the early 1960s at the Wistar Institute, a research organization at the University of Pennsylvania, he was trying to develop healthy embryonic cell lines in order to study whether viruses can cause certain types of cancer.

He and a colleague, Paul Moorhead, soon noticed that somatic — that is, nonreproductive — cells went through a phase of division, splitting between 40 and 60 times, before lapsing into what he called senescence.

. . .

This finding, which the Nobel-winning virologist Macfarlane Burnet later called the Hayflick limit, ran counter to everything scientists believed about cells and aging — especially the thesis that cells themselves are immortal, and that aging is a result of external causes, like disease, diet and solar radiation.

. . .

Dr. Hayflick made other important contributions to science. He developed a particularly vibrant cell line, WI-38, which has been used for decades to make vaccines.

. . .

The National Institutes of Health had funded the research on his WI-38 cell line but declined to fund its distribution, even as other researchers clamored for samples. Dr. Hayflick established a company to process orders, charged a minimal fee for shipping and set the proceeds aside until ownership was clarified.

But in a private report that was released to the news media, the N.I.H. accused Dr. Hayflick of theft. He sued the institute, charging invasion of privacy and reputational damage, including a forced resignation from his position at Stanford. The litigation took six years and ended in a settlement that allowed him to keep some of the money and cell samples.

During those six years, Congress passed the Bayh-Dole Act, which allows scientists to profit off government-funded research. The law, which would have made Dr. Hayflick’s earlier actions unquestionably legal, helped catalyze the biotech industry.

For the full obituary see:

Clay Risen. “Leonard Hayflick, 96, Explorer of Cells Who Showed Why No One Lives Forever.” The New York Times (Tuesday, August 20, 2024): A20.

(Note: ellipses, and bracketed year, added.)

(Note: the online version of the obituary was updated Aug. 19, 2024, and has the title “Leonard Hayflick, Who Discovered Why No One Lives Forever, Dies at 96.”)

Otherwise Innovative Retailers Exit Healthcare Due to “the Layers of Government”

(p. B3) Walmart, the world’s largest retailer, said Tuesday [April 30, 2024] that it was shutting down its health care centers, a network that only last year it said it planned to expand.

The retailer said in a blog post that its 51 health centers across five states would close.

. . .

Offering health care is more difficult than selling consumer goods like laundry detergent and car parts, said David Silverman, a retail analyst at Fitch Ratings, noting the layers of government and insurance providers involved.

“The attempts to enter these spaces and some of the failures of doing so really underscore the challenges and complexities of operating in the U.S. health care space,” Mr. Silverman said.

. . .

In 2021, Amazon, Berkshire Hathaway and JPMorgan Chase ended their high-profile joint health care venture, which sought to explore new ways to deliver health care to their employees. In March, Walgreens said it had closed 140 of its VillageMD clinics and planned to close 20 more.

For the full story see:

Jordyn Holman. “Walmart Is Shutting Down Health Centers in 5 States.” The New York Times (Wednesday, May 1, 2024): B3.

(Note: ellipses, and bracketed date, added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date April 30, 2024, and has the title “Walmart Is Shutting Health Centers After Plan to Expand.”)

Patients Lack Key Information About Our Heavily Regulated Healthcare System

Amazon is widely criticized for its size, but it is big because so many consumers choose to buy from it. Consumers value the wide selection and the quick delivery. But I hypothesize that what consumers value most is the information. Product ratings are informative. The ratings themselves are rated. Comparisons within categories are offered. Price changes can be tracked for a given product, and compared among different products. Features can be easily compared. In healthcare the government, as with HIPAA, often mandates the protection over the provision, of information. But even when healthcare information is provided, it is often provided too slowly and too obscurely to be actionable by patients. In the example discussed in the passages quoted below, quick and accurate information is literally a matter of life and death. Entrepreneurs like Jeff Bezos in a free enterprise system have the freedom and the incentive to please consumers by providing them with quick and accurate information. Bureaucrats in government or highly regulated systems, lack the freedom to violate rigid rules and are rewarded if they please their bosses by preserving the status quo.

(p. A3) After her water broke early, doctors told Fatima Goines to prepare for her newborn’s death.

Goines was 22 weeks into her pregnancy, just past the halfway mark. Doctors at Methodist Hospital in suburban Minneapolis said they couldn’t save such a premature baby and that no hospital could. They told her that once the baby girl was born, Goines could hold her until the infant died.

Goines didn’t want to give up. She checked herself out of Methodist Hospital and, on the recommendation of a fellow mom on Facebook, went to a birthing center connected to Children’s Minnesota hospital, 7 miles away from Methodist. After Goines gave birth, doctors there immediately intubated the baby to help her breathe and placed her in an incubator.

Me’Lonii is now a healthy 4-year-old, and has surpassed all the developmental milestones for her age. “She’s doing wonderfully well,” said Dr. Thomas George, who directs (p. A7) the Children’s Minnesota neonatal intensive care unit.

Medical advances over the past several decades have given hospitals the ability to save younger and younger premature newborns. Yet most hospitals don’t try—and parents often aren’t aware of what’s possible or that other hospitals, even just a few miles away, might offer their newborns a fighting chance.

Doctors are now capable of saving the lives of babies born at 22 weeks and, in rare cases, a week earlier, with improved techniques to help tiny lungs develop and protect fragile skin and organs. Hospitals with extensive experience resuscitating extremely premature babies report survival rates as high as 67% for babies born at 22 weeks.

Fragile infants

Some U.S. hospitals aren’t sufficiently equipped or capable of pulling off the new advances. Others have chosen not to offer the care, saying it is likely to fail, is expensive—typically more than $100,000 a child, and sometimes much more—and subjects tiny, fragile infants to needless pain and the risk of long-term disabilities.

Instead, they often provide comfort care: wrapping the newborn in a blanket, placing it on the mother’s chest and sometimes giving medicines to ease the child’s final moments.

The difference can be a matter of life or death for the roughly 8,000 infants born between 22 and 24 weeks gestation in the U.S. each year.

Doctors agree that babies born at 25 or 26 weeks can and should be treated as long as they don’t have other complications, while those born at 20 weeks or less are too small to save.

In between is a “gray zone,” as doctors call it, where newborns’ fate can depend on which hospital happens to be delivering.

. . .

No way to know

Rachel Sherman, a hairstylist who now lives in Florence, Ariz., wishes she had had more information.

When her water broke at 22 weeks pregnant in 2021, while she was living in Utah, the first Salt Lake City-area hospital she went to told her they couldn’t help until her baby was 24 weeks. She and her husband drove about 30 minutes to the University of Utah Hospital instead. It has a Level 3 NICU and shares a campus with a children’s hospital with a Level 4 NICU.

The staff there also told Sherman it wouldn’t save a 22-week baby and there wasn’t a neonatal unit in the U.S. that would treat an infant under 24 weeks, she recalled. But another hospital within half an hour’s drive was offering active treatment for babies at 22 weeks that year, The Wall Street Journal confirmed.

For the full story see:

Liz Essley Whyte. “A Life-or-Death Divide For Very Premature Babies.” The Wall Street Journal (Friday, Aug. 9, 2024): A1 & A7.

(Note: ellipsis added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date August 7, 2024, and has the title “Doctors Can Now Save Very Premature Babies. Most Hospitals Don’t Try.” The “Fragile infants” sub-heading quoted above appears in the print, but not in the online, version.)

The paper co-authored by Christensen and mentioned above, is:

Christensen, Kaare, Gabriele Doblhammer, Roland Rau, and James W. Vaupel. “Ageing Populations: The Challenges Ahead.” Lancet 374, no. 9696 (Oct. 3, 2009): 1196-208.

The 2021 paper co-authored by Vaupel and mentioned above, is:

Vaupel, James W., Francisco Villavicencio, and Marie-Pier Bergeron-Boucher. “Demographic Perspectives on the Rise of Longevity.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 9 (2021): e2019536118.

Musk Will Downsize Government and “Remove Absurd Regulations”

(p. B4) If Elon Musk becomes chief red-tape cutter in a second Trump administration, he is already giving a taste of what’s to come.

. . .

. . ., he often talks about how regulations can be like little strings that collectively tie down a giant like Gulliver, and strip us of our freedoms.

. . .

A Trump victory could give the country, according to Musk, a rare opportunity to clean house unseen since the Reagan administration’s massive deregulation effort.

“It’s been a long time since there was a serious effort to reduce the size of government and to remove absurd regulations,” Musk said during an appearance this month at the “All-In Podcast” conference.

While he skirted what exactly he would do, Musk made it clear that the EPA was the kind of agency on his mind. He pointed to a proposed fine of about $148,000 by the EPA announced this month over claims of SpaceX improperly discharging deluge water and spilling liquid oxygen at its South Texas launchpad.

Musk called it an example of “irrational regulation” and compared the company’s actions to dumping drinking water on the ground. “There was no actual harm done,” he said. “It was just water to cool the launchpad during lift off.”

. . .

Neuralink announced a regulatory win this past week. Musk’s brain-implant company said the Food and Drug Administration had awarded its experimental Blindsight microchip, which aims to restore sight, a special designation intended for medical devices aimed at treating life-threatening or irreversible debilitating conditions.

If successful, it sounds like the stuff out of TV’s “Star Trek: The Next Generation.”

“Provided the visual cortex is intact, it will even enable those who have been blind from birth to see for the first time,” Musk said this past week.

It is those kinds of advancements that excite his fans and why it can be so hard to rein him in amid public support.

For the full commentary see:

Tim Higgins. “As Musk Picks Fights, Stakes Are Rising.” The Wall Street Journal (Monday, Sept. 23, 2024): B4.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the commentary has the date September 21, 2024, and has the title “The Fight Elon Musk Is Ready to Pick in a Trump Administration.”)

Regulations Slow the Creation and Adoption of Healthcare Breakthroughs

CPR is “cardiopulmonary resuscitation.” ECPR is “extracorporeal CPR.” The ATTEST randomized double-blind clinical trial (RCT) provided dramatic evidence of the efficacy of ECPR. But the INCEPTION RCT seemed to provide equally strong evidence of a lack of efficacy. The key difference is the high level of experience and dedication of those implementing the ATTEST RCT, and the lack of experience, and likely lower dedication of those in the INCEPTION RCT. Dr. Demetris Yannopoulos has improved his techniques through trial and error, probably in some ways that he can articulate and in other ways that are harder to articulate. Gary Klein with his naturalistic decision-making research, writes that experience gives emergency workers a quick “recognition” of what needs to be done in different situations.

At what point in the development of a therapy do you perform the canonical RCT? In the case of Emil Freireich’s four drug chemo-cocktail for curing childhood leukemia, he continually improved the ingredients and doses of the cocktail. If an RCT had been performed too early in that process, the result would have been a lack of efficacy, and a therapy would have been abandoned that had the potential to be developed into a useful efficacious therapy. Ditto for Vince DeVita’s development of his chemo-cocktail for curing Hodgkin’s Lymphoma. Ditto also for the development of the drug that eventually proved efficacious in the For Blood and Money book, where Stanford cancer doctor and Pharmacyclics co-founder acquired and developed cancer therapy Imbruvica, but abandoned it after an RCT of it failed. But Miller was ousted by major Pharmacyclics stock-holder, and entrepreneurial non-scientist, Bob Duggan, who did not want to give up on Imbruvica. Duggan persevered, overseeing its further development, until a later RCT was performed that proved efficacy.

In an earlier entry, I documented a much simpler and cheaper CPR innovation that also promises to improve heart failure therapy, called “neuroprotective CPR” (NCPR). Which one, if either, of ECPR or NCPR should we endorse? Ideally, in a fully function medical marketplace, we could comfortably say: “let the market decide.” Entrepreneurial scientists and physicians could develop the therapies and see how many willing patients would be willing to pay for each. Maybe the more expensive ECPR therapy would initially only be bought by the better-off. But as Yannopoulos improves it, as he is already working to do, making it simpler and cheaper, it would eventually be appealing to a broader customers. In Openness, I claim that this is the common path of a great many breakthrough innovations in areas outside of medicine.

Notice that the ECPR was heavily funded by the Helmsley Trust, a private foundation. This is consistent with my claim that medical innovation benefits from a diversity of funding sources, especially of private funding sources that are more likely to fund a diversity of methods and to take chances with heterodox ideas, partly motivated by private funders’ greater mission-orientation due to having more ‘skin-in-the-game.’

Notice also that Yannopoulos’s implementation of ECPR was constrained by a scarcity of trained personnel. Yannopoulos could not act as a nimble entrepreneur because massive regulations limit nimble entrepreneurship in healthcare. This is especially try on labor market issues where massive labor market regulations pile on top of massive healthcare regulations. Breakthrough innovations are usually implemented by small nimble start-ups. To create Disneyland, Walt Disney created WED Enterprises, instead of try to created it with the large incumbent The Walt Disney Company. Jonathan Bush tried nimble labor market innovation in healthcare, but was stymied by regulations. So in the ECPR case, Yannopoulos had the beds to care for more cardiac arrest patients, but could not fill those rooms because of a lack of trained healthcare workers. He could not simply offer higher pay. He was part of a larger organization where he had limited decision-rights that reduced his nimble control. (On the importance of decision-rights, see Koch 2007.)

(p. 27) In reality, by the time a patient without a pulse arrives in the E.R., we know what the outcome is going to be. We continue CPR and shock the patient if we can. We insert a breathing tube and connect it to a ventilator. We inject medications: adrenaline, heart-rhythm drugs. But these treatments almost always fail.

. . .

Demetris Yannopoulos, an interventional cardiologist and professor at the University of Minnesota Medical School who created its Center for Resuscitation Medicine, refused to accept that this was the best doctors could do. In 2014, he began performing ECPR, a treatment that was starting to catch on in a few places, mostly in Asia and Europe. To his surprise, patients he didn’t expect to survive ended up doing well.  . . .

When a patient in cardiac arrest is placed on an extracorporeal membrane oxygenation (ECMO) machine, as Sauer was, the treatment is called ECPR. The type of ECMO intervention used in ECPR provides full life support, which means it does the work of both lungs and heart. (Another type of ECMO, used on Covid-19 patients, helps just with breathing.) ECMO evolved from the heart-lung machines that started being used during heart surgery in the 1950s.

. . .

ECPR by itself doesn’t actually cure anything. But by providing fresh blood flow to the brain and other organs, it lets the body rest and gives doctors time to fix the underlying problem, if it’s fixable.  . . .  After patients are hooked up to ECMO, angiograms of their hearts are typically performed to determine whether they have clogged arteries — as about 85 percent do. In Sauer’s case, Yannopoulos found a blockage in his largest heart vessel, the left anterior descending artery, also known as “the widow maker.” He inserted a stent to open it back up.

. . .

(p. 28) Several years after the program started, Yannopoulos, Bartos and their team conducted the first randomized, controlled trial of ECPR. The results were published in The Lancet in 2020 as the ARREST trial.  . . .

After enrolling just 30 patients, the ARREST trial was stopped early by an N.I.H. board because the patients who got ECPR did so much better than the control-group subjects who received standard resuscitation, and it would have been unethical to continue the study. After six months, 43 percent of the 14 patients who got ECPR were alive with good brain function, compared with zero in the control group.

. . .

The Helmsley Trust gave Yannopoulos grants totaling $19.4 million, which enabled him to add this “hub and spoke” mobile component to his program: The university hospital would be the hub, and a truck and some local hospitals would be the spokes. “It was a real big bet,” Panzirer told me.

To reach patients in areas that were more suburban and rural, Yannopoulos first had to team up with surrounding health systems. Competition is more often the norm among health systems, rather than collaboration, but he persuaded his chief executive, James Hereford, to gather his counterparts from other institutions. Eventually, they were willing to work together. But they had to sort out a lot more than simply agreeing to collaborate. How would insurers pay for what they were doing? Would the initial hospital get the money, or would the university hospital? Would malpractice coverage protect doctors outside their own institutions? What about transport?

Every question could be turned into a reason for hospital administrators and lawyers to say no.

. . .

(p. 29) The economics of ECPR are in line with those of other established lifesaving interventions, like dialysis and heart transplants. And if patients don’t survive, ECPR may perfuse their bodies with enough oxygen to keep their organs eligible for donation. The program in Minnesota costs about $3.2 million a year to operate, which is covered by its revenue. This doesn’t include the start-up funding from the Helmsley Trust, however, or the significant groundwork Yannopoulos laid before that — or his personal sacrifices. “When I started, I had hair and my beard was black,” says Yannopoulos, who is mostly bald and gray. For seven years, he was not paid for his ECPR work; some years, he was on call every day. Today, he still spends about 6,500 hours on call annually. “It’s the force of his will more than anything,” Hereford says when explaining why the program has succeeded.

. . .

Yannopoulos has invited physicians from all over to visit his program; afterward, he often hears from them that replicating his work at their home institutions — getting health and E.M.S. systems to collaborate, finding institutional support and start-up funding, coordinating 24/7 staffing — seems too daunting. For these reasons, Yannopoulos regards his ECPR program as “an administrative and political achievement, rather than a scientific or technological one.”

. . .

(p. 30) The trial, called INCEPTION, compared ECPR with standard care across 10 medical centers in the Netherlands. It was the first randomized, controlled trial to look at ECPR across multiple facilities, and unlike the ARREST trial, it found that ECPR resulted in similar survival as standard treatments.  . . .

Yet there are reasons to interpret the study as saying more about the real-world challenges of developing and implementing ECPR programs than it does about the treatment itself. In the INCEPTION trial, it took roughly a half-hour longer for patients to get on an ECMO machine once they arrived at the hospital than it did in the ARREST study. Of the patients who got ECPR, 12 percent were not successfully connected to the machines, compared with zero in ARREST. Several Dutch hospitals handled only a couple of ECPR cases a year, which means they hadn’t yet acquired the right skills. “I think they were destined for failure because of that rollout, with no experience up front,” Bartos says.

Experience matters profoundly: According to a 2022 paper based on data from the Extracorporeal Life Support Organization, an international nonprofit that Robert Bartlett founded, patients treated at centers that perform fewer than 10 ECPR procedures yearly have 64 percent lower odds of survival; for every 10-case increase, the odds go up 11 percent. (The Minnesota program treats about 150 every year.)

Not only does the procedure itself require mastery, but so, too, does the care in the I.C.U. afterward — an ineffable art as much as a precise science.

. . .

(p. 45) . . . it’s not much of a surprise to hear Yannopoulos ask, “What does INCEPTION have to do with what we’re doing?” His program was carefully developed, with deep expertise, over years, to achieve the best outcomes; INCEPTION studied what would happen if a lot of hospitals started doing ECPR tomorrow.

Engineering the ideal ECPR program can feel like a maddening calculus involving experience, availability and distance — all to beat time. To treat patients faster, maybe doctors should go directly to the scene. For more than a decade, doctors in France have been doing just that, performing ECPR on the streets of Paris, in Métro stations, even on the oak parquet floors of the Louvre. Early on, Lionel Lamhaut, the head of Paris’s ECMO team, was told that he was “a cowboy to try to do something outside the hospital.” But as he and his colleagues persisted, they “started a new way of thinking.”

. . .

. . . as much money as the Helmsley Trust has given, it is not enough to overcome some of the structural limitations in the American health care system. The organization funded a multimillion-dollar expansion of the cardiovascular I.C.U. at Yannopoulos’s hospital to add 12 more spacious rooms specifically designed to accommodate patients on ECMO. But on a weekend in January when I visited, the I.C.U. was closed to new ECPR patients: Not enough nurses were available to work, so four beds in the unit were kept empty.

Even as Yannopoulos and his team hit administrative roadblocks like these, they are still trying to redefine what is medically possible. Recently, a 74-year-old man collapsed on the streets of St. Paul and went into cardiac arrest. Forty-two minutes after the first 911 call, the man was already on ECMO and had regained his pulse. Yannopoulos was optimistic about the case, given how quickly ECMO was started, even though the patient had not been shocked with a defibrillator — which meant he technically fell outside the protocol and should not have received ECPR at all. (After a week in the I.C.U., the man died when his family decided to stop all treatment.)

The man’s heart was almost certainly in pulseless electrical activity (P.E.A.), which many experts think should not be treated with ECPR. Of the three published ECPR randomized, controlled trials, only one did not limit the intervention to people with shockable rhythms. That ambitious trial, in Prague, included patients whose hearts were in the same P.E.A. pattern as the St. Paul man’s. The study was stopped early when it appeared that ECPR wasn’t saving significantly more people than standard care was. These enigmatic cases that lack shockable rhythms are vexing: When the Prague data was reanalyzed without these patients, the findings were favorable for ECPR.

Yannopoulos is undeterred by the Prague results. “You have to decide what’s more important: your survival rate” — what is often used in studies and by institutions to justify support for a program — “or the number of patients you actually save.” Because its program is now well established, Yannopoulos’s team is starting to treat patients with less promising rhythms, even though that may drive down its overall survival rate.  . . .

Yannopoulos wonders if, in a decade or perhaps less, ECPR science will still require the same specially trained teams using the same high-tech equipment — at least before patients get to the hospital. Instead, he imagines small cannulas that will be easy to place in the patient’s neck and attached to compact, simple machines that provide some blood flow to the brain. In his vision, which he is currently working to realize, medics could be trained to start people on this, and then doctors could transition them to regular ECMO once they reach the hospital. If the brain is protected, the rest of the body can eventually recover.

. . .

“There is this idea that people in cardiac arrest, you cannot harm them,” Yannopoulos says. For some doctors, that means cycling relentlessly through chest compressions and medications, so they feel as if they did everything they could. For others, it means briefly going through the motions, so they feel as if they did something. And for still others, it has always seemed kindest to do nothing at all, to let their patients die peacefully. Because almost none of them lived — no matter what the doctors did. “But now we know what is possible,” Yannopoulos says. “So if you’re not achieving that, then you are harming them in a way, right?”

For the full story see:

Helen Ouyang. “Reinventing CPR.” The New York Times Magazine (Sunday, March 31, 2024): 22-31 & 45.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the story was updated June [sic] 19, 2024, and has the title “The Race to Reinvent CPR.”)

Some references relevant to my discussion at the start of this entry are:

Bush, Jonathan, and Stephen Baker. Where Does It Hurt?: An Entrepreneur’s Guide to Fixing Health Care. New York: Portfolio, 2014.

DeVita, Vincent T., and Elizabeth DeVita-Raeburn. The Death of Cancer: After Fifty Years on the Front Lines of Medicine, a Pioneering Oncologist Reveals Why the War on Cancer Is Winnable–and How We Can Get There. New York: Sarah Crichton Books, 2015.

Diamond, Arthur M., Jr. Openness to Creative Destruction: Sustaining Innovative Dynamism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019.

Klein, Gary A. Seeing What Others Don’t: The Remarkable Ways We Gain Insights. Philadelphia, PA: PublicAffairs, 2013.

Klein, Gary A. Sources of Power: How People Make Decisions. 20th Anniversary ed. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2017.

Klein, Gary A. Streetlights and Shadows: Searching for the Keys to Adaptive Decision Making. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2009.

Koch, Charles G. The Science of Success: How Market-Based Management Built the World’s Largest Private Company. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2007.

Silberner, Joanne. “How a Plunger Improved CPR.” The New York Times (Tues., June 27, 2023): D5.

Taleb, Nassim Nicholas. Skin in the Game: Hidden Asymmetries in Daily Life. New York: Random House, 2018.

Vardi, Nathan. For Blood and Money: Billionaires, Biotech, and the Quest for a Blockbuster Drug. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2023.

Federal Government Creates Perverse Incentives for Medical Insurers to Harvest Diagnoses for Untreated Maladies in the So-Called Medical “Advantage” Program

Notice that the federal government has set up the incentives of the Medicare Advantage program so that insurers will receive benefits, but no costs, for diagnosing patients with certain conditions, that the patients have not asked them to treat. The nurse home visits aimed at harvesting diagnoses do not benefit patients, but instead waste patients’ time and taxpayers’ money. Is UnitedHealth Group the most despicable organization for shamelessly exploiting the perverse incentives, or is the federal government the most despicable organization for creating the perverse incentives?

(p. A3) Millions of times each year, insurers send nurses into the homes of Medicare recipients to look them over, run tests and ask dozens of questions.

The nurses aren’t there to treat anyone. They are gathering new diagnoses that entitle private Medicare Advantage insurers to collect extra money from the federal government.

A Wall Street Journal investigation of insurer home visits found the companies pushed nurses to run screening tests and add unusual diagnoses, turning the roughly hourlong stops in patients’ homes into an extra $1,818 per visit, on average, from 2019 to 2021. Those payments added up to about $15 billion during that period, according (p. A9) to a Journal analysis of Medicare data.

Nurse practitioner Shelley Manke, who used to work for the HouseCalls unit of UnitedHealth Group, was part of that small army making home visits. She made a half-dozen or so visits a day, she said in a recent interview.

Part of her routine, she said, was to warm up the big toes of her patients and use a portable testing device to measure how well blood was flowing to their extremities. The insurers were checking for cases of peripheral artery disease, a narrowing of blood vessels. Each new case entitled them to collect an extra $2,500 or so a year at that time.

But Manke didn’t trust the device. She had tried it on herself and had gotten an array of results. When she and other nurses raised concerns with managers, she said, they were told the company believed that data supported the tests and that they needed to keep using the device.

“It made me cringe,” said Manke, who stopped working for HouseCalls in 2022. “I didn’t think the diagnosis should come from us, period, because I didn’t feel we had an adequate test.”

. . .

Last month, the Journal reported that insurers received nearly $50 billion in payments from 2019 to 2021 due to diagnoses they added themselves for conditions that no doctor or hospital treated. Many of the insurer-driven diagnoses were outright wrong or highly questionable, the Journal found.

. . .

In the Medicare Advantage system—conceived as a lower-cost alternative to traditional Medicare—private insurers get paid a lump sum to provide health benefits to about half of the 67 million seniors and disabled people in the federal program. The payments go up when people have certain diseases, giving insurers an incentive to diagnose those conditions.

To find out how insurers use home visits to add diagnoses, the Journal interviewed nurses, patients, home-visit managers and industry executives and reviewed hundreds of pages of internal documents from home-visit companies. They described a system that used nurses, software and audits to generate diagnoses.

“They do the job with a purpose, and it pays off for the Medicare Advantage plans,” said Francois de Brantes, a former executive at Signify Health, a company that does home visits for insurers. “Identifying the diagnoses, that’s the job.”

. . .

Secondary hyperaldosteronism, a condition in which levels of the hormone aldosterone rise, is rarely diagnosed in traditional Medicare patients. HouseCalls documents show that its software would suggest the diagnosis if a patient had a history of heart failure or cirrhosis, and either took certain drugs, such as diuretics, or had swelling due to fluid retention. Nurses weren’t required to confirm the diagnosis with a lab test.

“In a million years, I wouldn’t have come up with a diagnosis of secondary hyperaldosteronism,” said Bell, the former HouseCalls nurse.

UnitedHealth diagnosed it 246,000 times after home visits, leading to $450 million in payments over the three years of the Journal’s analysis. All other Medicare insurers combined collected $42 million from making that diagnosis after home visits.

For the full story see:

Anna Wilde Mathews, Christopher Weaver, Tom McGinty and Mark Maremont. “Nurse Visits Made Insurers $15 Billion.” The Wall Street Journal (Tuesday, Aug. 6, 2024): A1 & A9.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date August 4, 2024, and has the title “The One-Hour Nurse Visits That Let Insurers Collect $15 Billion From Medicare.”)

Healthcare Competition Sometimes Reduces Prices

Numerous complex government healthcare regulations differentially increase the costs of small healthcare firms and independent healthcare practitioners that cannot afford to hire the specialized experts to understand and navigate the regulations. As a result the small firms and independent practitioners often give up and merge with larger organizations, thereby reducing competition. Also, in many locations, governments give incumbent hospitals veto power over the start-up of new hospitals, thereby also reducing competition.

(p. A3) Prices for surgery, intensive care and emergency-room visits rise after hospital mergers. The increases come out of your pay.

Hospitals have struck deals in recent years to form local and regional health systems that use their reach to bargain for higher prices from insurers. Employers have often passed the higher rates onto employees.

Such price increases added an average of $204 million to national health spending in the year after mergers of nearby hospitals, according to a study published Wednesday [April 24, 2024] by American Economic Review: Insights.

Workers cover much of the bill, said Zack Cooper, an associate professor of economics at Yale University who helped conduct the study. Employers cut into wages and trim jobs to offset rising insurance premiums, he said. “The harm from these mergers really falls squarely on Main Street,” Cooper said.

For the full story see:

Melanie Evans. “Hospital Prices Rise After Mergers, and Patients Bear Brunt.” The Wall Street Journal (Thursday, April 25, 2024): A3.

(Note: bracketed date added.)

(Note: the online version of the story was updated April 24, 2024, and has the title “The True Cost of Megamergers in Healthcare: Higher Prices.” The online version says that the title of the print version was “Hospital-Care Prices Rise After Mergers.” But my national edition of the print version had the title “Hospital Prices Rise After Mergers, and Patients Bear Brunt.”)

The forthcoming article co-authored by Cooper, and mentioned above, is:

Brot-Goldberg, Zarek, Zack Cooper, Stuart Craig, and Lev Klarnet. “Is There Too Little Antitrust Enforcement in the U.S. Hospital Sector?” American Economic Review: Insights (forthcoming).

IRS Has “Ridiculous” 675 Day Delay in Getting Earned Refunds to the Victims of Identity Fraud

Some federal politicians sanctimoniously seek voter approval by pushing new giveaway programs to select groups (like $25,000 to first-time home buyers). If they were sincere about wanting to help the most deserving among the least-well-off, they would instead prioritize getting earned refunds to the low-income victims of identity theft.

(p. B6) If a thief files a fraudulent return using your tax information and pilfers your refund, you’ll have to wait an average of 675 days to get the money rightfully owed to you, according to the Taxpayer Advocate Service, a group within the Internal Revenue Service that works on behalf of taxpayers.

“That period of time is just ridiculous,” Erin M. Collins, who leads the service, said in an interview.

For reasons not yet clear, Ms. Collins noted, many of those affected are lower-income tax filers, who often depend on tax refunds to cover basic living costs. Those filers often qualify for tax breaks for working families, like the earned-income tax credit, that can result in significant refunds.

“These are true victims,” Ms. Collins said. “The I.R.S. should be helping these people.”

About half a million tax returns are in limbo at the I.R.S. because of identity theft fraud, a spokesman for the Taxpayer Advocate Service said.

. . .

The lengthy processing time for identity theft returns can cause other problems, Ms. Collins said in the blog post, like difficulty applying for a mortgage. When taxpayers are flagged for identity theft, she said, the I.R.S. won’t send tax transcripts — a record of the filers’ income and tax information — directly to lenders. So taxpayers have to request the transcripts themselves and give them to the lender. The red tape delays the completion of their home loan applications.

Other issues can arise, such as when a taxpayer chooses to have a refund applied to a subsequent tax year but the I.R.S. hasn’t yet applied it because of an unresolved identity theft issue. The tax owed on the subsequent year then goes unpaid, and the I.R.S. system begins to send collection notices.

For the full commentary see:

Ann Carrns. “Long Wait for Victims of Tax Return Fraud.” The New York Times (Saturday, June 15, 2024): B6.

(Note: ellipsis added.)

(Note: the online version of the commentary has the date June 14, 2024, and has the title “First a Victim of Tax Return Identity Theft, Then a 2-Year Wait for a Refund.” Where there are a couple of small differences in wording, the passages quoted above follow the online version.)

The blog post by Collins mentioned above is:

Collins, Erin M., National Taxpayer Advocate. “Identity Theft Victims Are Waiting Nearly Two Years to Receive Their Tax Refunds.” In NTA Blog, June 6, 2024.br />

Prepare for Next Unexpected Disaster By Unbinding Nimble Entrepreneurs Who Can Pivot and Improvise

Governments have trouble preparing for uncertain and rare disasters, such as pandemics. So they “fight the last war,” expecting that the next disaster will look like the last disaster. Before WWII, France built the Maginot line, which they thought would have protected them against the kind of attack they had faced in WWI. The U.S. was more prepared for an Ebola pandemic than for a Covid pandemic. In an uncertain world, the best way to prepare for rare disasters is to allow and encourage nimble entrepreneurs who can resiliently pivot and improvise to counter whatever disaster arrives.

(p. A8) Britain’s government “failed” the country’s citizens in its handling of the coronavirus pandemic, a damning report from an official public inquiry said on Thursday [July 18, 2024], partly because officials had prepared for “the wrong pandemic.”

The arrival of Covid-19 in 2020 exposed flaws in Britain’s public health system and its pandemic preparedness that had been ignored for years, the report said. During the early waves of infections, Britain’s per capita death rate was among the highest in Europe, eventually leading to more than 225,000 deaths in total, according to official data.

“Had the U.K. been better prepared for and more resilient to the pandemic, some of that financial and human cost may have been avoided,” the report said.

. . .

Britain had a plan, but it was “outdated and lacked adaptability,” the report said.

It was also too focused on the possibility of a flu pandemic. “Although it was understandable for the U.K. to prioritize pandemic influenza, this should not have been to the effective exclusion of other potential pathogen outbreaks,” the report said.

. . .

Ministers, who are political appointees, did not have access to a broad enough range of scientific research and opinions that would have informed their policies, and advisers did not feel confident about expressing dissenting views.

“The advice offered to ministers and international bodies may well have been affected by a degree of ‘groupthink’,” the report said.

For the full story see:

Lynsey Chutel. “Before Covid, U.K. Prepared for ‘the Wrong Pandemic,’ Inquiry Finds.” The New York Times (Monday, July 22, 2024): A8.

(Note: ellipses, and bracketed date, added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date July 18, 2024, and has the title “U.K. Failed in Handling of Covid Pandemic, Inquiry Finds.”)

The “damning report” mentioned above, is:

Hallett, Baroness. “Uk Covid-19 Inquiry; Module 1: The Resilience and Preparedness of the United Kingdom.” July 18, 2024.

Following Salt Consumption Guidelines Increases Risk of Death

Official experts often turn out to be wrong, as in the salt consumption guidelines discussed below. The fallibility of expert knowledge provides an added reason, besides respect for freedom, why government should not mandate an individual’s food and drug decisions.

(p. D4) People with high blood pressure are often told to eat a low-sodium diet. But a diet that’s too low in sodium may actually increase the risk for cardiovascular disease, a review of studies has found.

Current guidelines recommend a daily maximum of 2.3 grams of sodium a day — the amount found in a teaspoon of salt — for most people, and less for the elderly or people with hypertension.

Researchers reviewed four observational studies that included 133,118 people who were followed for an average of four years. The scientists took blood pressure readings, and estimated sodium consumption by urinalysis. The review is in The Lancet.

Among 69,559 people without hypertension, consuming more than seven grams of sodium daily did not increase the risk for disease or death, but those who ate less than three grams had a 26 percent increased risk for death or for cardiovascular events like heart disease and stroke, compared with those who consumed four to five grams a day.

In people with high blood pressure, consuming more than seven grams a day increased the risk by 23 percent, but consuming less than three grams increased the risk by 34 percent, compared with those who ate four to five grams a day.

For the full story see:

Nicholas Bakalar. “Low-Salt Diet as a Heart Risk.” The New York Times (Tuesday, Oct. 11, 2016 [sic]): D4.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the story has the date May 25, 2016 [sic], and has the title “A Low-Salt Diet May Be Bad for the Heart.”)

The academic paper reporting the results summarized above is:

Mente, Andrew, Martin O’Donnell, Sumathy Rangarajan, Gilles Dagenais, Scott Lear, Matthew McQueen, Rafael Diaz, Alvaro Avezum, Patricio Lopez-Jaramillo, Fernando Lanas, Wei Li, Yin Lu, Sun Yi, Lei Rensheng, Romaina Iqbal, Prem Mony, Rita Yusuf, Khalid Yusoff, Andrzej Szuba, Aytekin Oguz, Annika Rosengren, Ahmad Bahonar, Afzalhussein Yusufali, Aletta Elisabeth Schutte, Jephat Chifamba, Johannes F. E. Mann, Sonia S. Anand, Koon Teo, and S. Yusuf. “Associations of Urinary Sodium Excretion with Cardiovascular Events in Individuals with and without Hypertension: A Pooled Analysis of Data from Four Studies.” The Lancet 388, no. 10043 (2016): 465-75.

Governments Often Deliver “Horrible Ideas Executed Terribly”

(p. A15) After the $320 million floating fiasco ran aground, Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance tweeted: “The Gaza pier is a symbol of the Biden administration. A horrible idea executed terribly.”

. . .

Government is bad for your health. Whose idea was it to pay for gain-of-function research in Wuhan? Remember when the Food and Drug Administration delayed the rollout of Covid tests by, among other things, requiring applications on CD-ROMs? In 2020! The FDA interference, according to a Yale Law Journal 2020 Forum, was “possibly the deadliest regulatory overreach in U.S. history.”

. . .

Between the Covid-19 Economic Injury Disaster Loan, the Paycheck Protection Program and the Federal Pandemic Unemployment Compensation program, the FBI reports almost $300 billion in fraud. It was so easy, tens of thousands reportedly filed applications from jail.

. . .

Why are governments so bad at execution? Accountability and incentives. There are no prices or profits, just elusive cost benefits estimated in simple spreadsheets any first-year investment banker could fudge.

But these public-works projects are well intentioned, right? Hardly. Good luck finding all the hidden agendas, political back scratching and paid-off donors. Or, in the case of student loans, bribes to voters. Getting re-elected is how politicians measure the success of government work vs. private-sector profits.

Those profits from each private-sector project or product provide capital that pays for the next important project. In perpetuity. Profits also provide guidance to markets that fund great ideas and kill off bad ones. It’s Darwinism vs. kleptocracy. Sadly, politicians and industrial policy will always fund dumb things like electric-vehicle chargers, high-speed rail and Neom—horrible ideas executed terribly.

For the full commentary see:

Andy Kessler. “Your Government at Work.” The Wall Street Journal (Monday, June 10, 2024): A15.

(Note: ellipses added.)

(Note: the online version of the commentary has the date June 9, 2024, and has the same title as the print version.)